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  #361  
Old 10-07-2020, 03:48 AM
kuasimi kuasimi is offline
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=3403440689687791&id=100000656 801140&sfnsn=mo
  #362  
Old 04-08-2020, 01:04 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

https://www.facebook.com/leonperera7...21826174642219

A busy weekend, with two walkabouts at Serangoon Avenue 4! Heard different perspectives on local and national issues from many constituents. There’s been much discussion about the need for the Workers’ Party to put forward alternative policies.

There has been less discussion about how the government should respond to such alternative policies. WP MPs have been conveying alternative policy ideas inside and outside of Parliament for years. There are a few possible ways the government can respond to these ideas:

𝐚. 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐲 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐢𝐬 𝐛𝐞𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐮𝐨𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐲 𝐫𝐞𝐯𝐢𝐞𝐰𝐞𝐝. 𝐒𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐭𝐢𝐦𝐞𝐬 𝐚 𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐲 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐞 𝐢𝐬 𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐦𝐚𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐨𝐫𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐢𝐧 𝐬𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐰𝐚𝐲.

Of course, many voices may have contributed to prompting that policy change, not only the WP voice. But it would be good for the public to know when and by what pathway such changes happen, through fair media reporting and good public commentary.

𝐛. 𝐀𝐫𝐠𝐮𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐢𝐬 𝐢𝐦𝐩𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥, 𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐬𝐨𝐥𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐛𝐥𝐞𝐦 𝐢𝐭 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐨𝐫 𝐰𝐨𝐮𝐥𝐝 𝐡𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐧𝐞𝐠𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞-𝐞𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐡 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞. 𝐁𝐮𝐭 𝐢𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐲 𝐢𝐬 𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐬𝐞𝐧, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐠𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐟𝐮𝐥𝐥 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐝𝐚𝐭𝐚, 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐬𝐭𝐮𝐝𝐲 𝐨𝐫 𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐞𝐯𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐰𝐨𝐮𝐥𝐝 𝐬𝐮𝐩𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧, 𝐬𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐞𝐯𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐜𝐚𝐧 𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐝𝐨𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐞 𝐬𝐜𝐫𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐳𝐞𝐝.

Data and evidence can be subject to more than one reasonable interpretation. For example, the government conducts many public opinion surveys using state funds. I have raised in Parliament the question of why all of these surveys are not automatically published for use by civil society, scholars and alternative parties to better formulate alternative policy ideas.

Of course, sometimes evidence overwhelmingly suggests that something is a bad idea. But sometimes the evidence is inconclusive. The result of a new policy idea can rarely be guessed with complete certainty, unlike outcomes in the natural sciences. There can be different views about future outcomes of the same policy that are consistent with the available evidence. We ought to acknowledge that. Let’s have more transparency about underlying evidence and data.

𝐜. 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐲 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐞𝐯𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐢𝐬 𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐢𝐬 𝐚 𝐠𝐨𝐨𝐝 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚. 𝐁𝐮𝐭 𝐰𝐞 𝐜𝐚𝐧 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭 𝐚𝐧 𝐞𝐱𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐢𝐭.

This is what the Workers’ Party called for when it suggested a randomized controlled trial for the impact of smaller form class sizes in schools, through a Parliamentary adjournment motion in 2017.

𝐝. 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐲 𝐛𝐲 𝐚𝐯𝐨𝐢𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚 𝐝𝐢𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐭 𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐲 𝐨𝐫 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧. 𝐇𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐚 𝐥𝐨𝐨𝐤 𝐚𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐞𝐱𝐜𝐞𝐫𝐩𝐭 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐥𝐢𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐬𝐜𝐫𝐢𝐩𝐭 𝐛𝐞𝐥𝐨𝐰.

The WP had mooted an alternative policy approach to POFMA, namely that correction directives be approved by judges (among other things). If you read the way the Minister responded to this alternative idea in the excerpt below, do you think that the alternative was seriously considered and addressed?

One hopes that alternative ideas are debated vigorously in Parliament with respect to options (a), (b) and (c) above, and not (d).
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr Leon Perera (Non-Constituency Member): I would like to pose a clarification to the Law Minister. I had intended originally to pose a clarification to Mr Cedric Foo. But I think in light of the Law Minister's comments at this point, I will just pose some clarification to him.

It is quite simple. Is it the position of the Law Minister and the Government that our Courts could not be sufficiently resourced, structured, if necessary a new process, a new expedited process created, if necessary a new process for assigning judges created, additional capacity created? Is it impossible?

Is it inconceivable that this could be done in the future in order to issue interim prima facie decisions in urgent, time-sensitive cases under POFMA? Is that impossible by definition?

By definition is that impossible in the future if we take all these steps to put in the resources to put in the process, if necessary create a special of class of judges, so on, so forth. Is that impossible by definition?

And I would add that in other jurisdictions to the best of my knowledge, and I may stand corrected, in other jurisdictions, for example, in some states in the US, it is my understanding that an arrest warrant has to be approved by a judge under certain circumstances.

These arrest warrants are very time-sensitive and the judge has to make a decision on the balance of probabilities, whether to arrest the person. That is a serious matter. Whether to arrest a person in extremely time-sensitive circumstances. Sometimes, late at night the law enforcers will go and see the judge. Because that system has been created and structured and resourced in such a way that it is possible. So, that is my clarification.

Mr K Shanmugam: A number of points here. The first of which is this. Let us take the sequence, the process of these things. First, you got to draft something and file in Court. We are now talking about the Select Committee's recommendation to do something within a matter of hours. You got to draft and file.

You got to put aside some time for that. After that, you must find the judge. Let us say in your scenario, we have a High Court Judge who does nothing but sits there 24/7 because it can break out anytime, and will be available as soon as the Government calls. It is technically not impossible.

Of course, you can have a Judge who does nothing but this, and no other cases. Because if he is hearing a case, he cannot break the case and come and listen to you. He has to go to finish the case for the sitting, until lunch time or until the evening, depending on the scenario.

Duty Judges hear their cases too. So, we are saying, if supposing something has happened and I want to stop the communication within the next two hours, do you think it is possible by going to Court?

Then, there are further factors which have further levels of uncertainty. You file, you go before a Judge and you say, "Look, Judge, it is so urgent that I am not going to serve this on Google, Facebook or whoever, wherever it is spreading. I just need an urgent order, ex parte, and then later on I will serve". Sometimes, the Judge may agree but the Judge may also disagree.

Supposing he disagrees, then it takes a further length of time. The decision maker, the person who has the facts might take one view and the responsibility for dealing with that situation also rests with the Executive.

Have you not known of instances where within 24 hours, there have been riots and people have been killed? Supposing the Judge says, "I think I would like to hear the other side, urgent as it is".

It has happened. Urgent ex parte applications have been heard on a contested basis. Any of these are possible. The Judge could give you ex parte. But he could also ask for contested ex parte.

He could ask the other side to turn up quickly. And if he does that, and the other side turns up, and then, they say, "We do not have time to file an affidavit but we want to know the basic facts before we can argue. We need until this evening; we need until tomorrow morning." Once you set up a Court process, then, you must allow for the due process.

So, my point to you, Mr Perera is, having now heard this explanation, is it your position that definitionally, it is possible, every single time, whenever we want it to be dealt with urgently, that it can be dealt with urgently, in a matter of hours? Is that your position?

Mr Speaker: Mr Perera.

Mr Leon Perera: I thank the Law Minister for his explanation. And I think that there are a number of points that he made which relate to judicial capacity, for want of a better term, and process. I would imagine that, based on what the Law Minister has said, he can envisage, that the necessary capacity can be created to deal with such a caseload, based on what Law Minister said.

Mr K Shanmugam: Possible, if the Judge does nothing else but waits for the applications. That was what I said.

Mr Leon Perera: Yes. So, I would take it that necessary capacity can be created. We can create a special class of Courts, duty Judges. Capacity is a question of resource planning. So, with sufficient resources applied, necessary capacity can be created.

Next, there is an issue of process. And I think the Law Minister alluded to the fact that while the Government will have to word the submission, even an ex parte submission to the Court, and that is time consuming, and while this is going on, the clock is ticking away and the falsehood is viralising and so on.

But within the Ministry, or the Statutory Board or agency, the civil servants also have to word the submission to the Minister or communicate with the Minister.

Can we not create a process whereby the communication, the form and the format of communication between the civil servant and the Minister, is very similar to the form and format of communication between the Government and the Court in those very time-sensitive cases, to obtain an initial prima facie decision?

So, my point there is that I think, at the level of process, a process can be created to minimise the time lag from Ministry to Court. I would put it to the Minister that a process can be created in that way.

And I think we have addressed the issue of capacity and we have addressed the issue of process. The Minister has been talking about the current situation, right now, with the capacity we have and the process we have. If we can add more resources and capacity, and we change the process to make it expedited to arrive at that prima facie decision, to stop the viralisation, I would put it to the Law Minister that that is perfectly conceivable.

And I also want to address the other point that the Minister made, that in some cases, the Judge will not agree. That is precisely the point. In some cases, the Judge will not agree.

If the Judge feels that he is being asked to make a prima facie decision, but he is looking at it on a balance of probabilities and he feels that the Executive is over-reaching or the Executive is abusing its power, so he may not agree in that case. And that is precisely the value of the check.


Mr K Shanmugam: I would ask Mr Perera not to put words in my mouth. When I said "not agree", it may be because he says, "I want to hear what the other side has got to say".

So, my point to Mr Perera is: therefore, we can take it, and it will be very simple, can I take it your position is that, definitionally, every single time it is necessary to make a decision, you believe that the Courts can be used to make a decision to break the virality within a matter of hours; every single time, when it is necessary to do so? Is that your Party's position? Is that your position? If it is yes, yes. If it is no, no. That is all. It will be very good to clarify that.

Mr Leon Perera: If the Courts are sufficiently structured and resourced and the process is defined to enable that to happen, then the answer is yes.


Mr K Shanmugam: And you believe that that can be done by simply putting some submission to the Court? Is that it, whatever the civil servant submits to the Minister, can simply be submitted to the Court?


Mr Leon Perera: What I am saying to the hon Minister is that a simplified process can be created to absolutely minimise the lead time between Minister and Court to get a decision. There is a certain amount of lead time, in any case, for the internal conversation between civil servants and Ministers in such cases.

What we are talking about is the additional lead time between the Minister and the Court to get that decision to break the virality. So, I would put it to the Minister that a process can be defined that is very simplified to minimise that lead time.

Mr K Shanmugam: Yes. I have got the clarifications I needed, Sir. Thank you.

Mr Speaker: Thank you. Mr Leon Perera, your speech.

https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/sprs...ortid=bill-366














  #363  
Old 04-08-2020, 01:11 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

https://www.facebook.com/pritam.euno...47939928561630


-PRITAM SINGH-

TC Case
————
The public can read our short submissions on the matter of the Plaintiff’s application to amend their Statement of Claim after judgment has been rendered, on our blog - In Good Faith (https://ingoodfaith.blog).

https://ingoodfaith.blog/2020/08/03/...ment-of-claim/

(In response to CNA article issued on 3 Aug 2020, in link below)

https://www.facebook.com/21135232888...7939928561630/



https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/ahtc-lawsuit-wp-leaders-object-to-plaintiff-new-claims-12986488?cid=FBcna&fbclid=IwAR2nAseKKi9CbP1eRrRhbD 9ujEn3J4xXnWOlTNO_dVL3mfuv2Wehv4R4WnI
  #364  
Old 04-08-2020, 01:24 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

  #365  
Old 04-08-2020, 01:47 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore






















  #366  
Old 04-08-2020, 01:49 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore























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  #367  
Old 04-08-2020, 02:49 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

















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  #368  
Old 20-03-2021, 07:49 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

https://www.facebook.com/workerspart...03398136343402


We are concerned that the government's policies will raise the cost of living and increase financial pressures on the sandwiched class. Here's a breakdown of the impact of a petrol price hike and the impending increase in GST.
























Last edited by kuasimi; 20-03-2021 at 08:01 AM.
  #369  
Old 20-03-2021, 08:29 AM
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

What new WP MPs at Sengkang GRC will encounter:


Ng Chee Meng PPA(E) (Chinese: 黄志明; pinyin: Huáng Zhìmíng; born 8 August 1968) is a former Singaporean politician who was the Minister in Prime Minister's Office from 1 May 2018 to 10 July 2020. His previous postings included Minister for Education in charge of Schools portfolio from 1 October 2015 to 31 October 2016 in acting capacity and from 1 November 2016 to 30 April 2018 in official capacity as well as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC from 11 September 2015 to 23 June 2020 and has also been the Secretary-General of the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) since 1 May 2018. He served as the 8th Chief of Defence Force of the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) from 2013 to 2015, and held the rank of Lieutenant-General. He was also the Chief of the Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) from 2009 to 2013. Upon retirement from military career, Ng announced his intention to enter politics, and is the highest ranking officer to join the ruling party.[1] In the 2015 Singapore general election, he was fielded to the Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC[2] and won its Punggol North seat, paving way to be a MP successfully. Ng also served as the Senior Minister of State at the Ministry for Transport from 1 October 2015 to his promotion to the Second Minister in 1 November 2016 and served till 30 April 2018.


















http://geraldgiam.sg/2009/10/how-pap...omment-page-1/


How PAP uses taxpayer-funded grassroots for political gain

Not many Singaporeans are aware of how much the taxpayer-funded grassroots have been used by the PAP for political gain.

Last week, Mr Eric Low and Mr Sitoh Yih Pin, the PAP MP-aspirants who lost to Workers’ Party’s Low Thia Khiang and SDA’s Chiam See Tong respectively in the last election, grabbed the limelight for themselves by announcing HDB’s decision to upgrade lifts in Potong Pasir and Hougang.

I had written an article questioning why HDB had informed the losing candidates in opposition wards of the upgrading plans.

A Straits Times forum letter writer, Mr Muhammad Yusuf Osman, said it best when he called for the mandate that the residents gave to the elected MPs to be respected. He asked: “Under what authority did both Mr (Eric) Low and Mr Sitoh (Yih Pin) act as advisers to the grassroots organisations, given that the People’s Association is a government statutory board and should work with the elected MPs of the constituencies?”

In response, HDB and People’s Association replied that “it is the Government’s practice to implement its national programmes for residents through advisers to grassroots organisations who are appointed by the Government to gather feedback from residents.”

They forgot to mention that these “advisers” are always PAP men, whether or not they won the election.

Not many Singaporeans are aware of how much the taxpayer-funded grassroots have been used by the PAP for political gain.

Here’s a quick run down:

The People’s Association (PA), a statutory board under the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, was set up in 1960 to counter the influence of Chinese clan associations and unions on working class Singaporeans.

Like all other stat boards, it receives a yearly grant from the government to run its programmes and cover operational costs. In FY2008, PA received $280 million from taxpayers, and another $23 million in “operating income”. It spent a total of $320 million last year.

However unlike most stat boards, whose chairmen are usually the permanent secretary of the parent ministry or some other senior civil servant, PA’s chairman is none other than the Prime Minister. The deputy chairman and two other board members are PAP ministers, together with a PAP minister of state, two other PAP office holders and a PAP backbencher. Eight out of the 14 board members are PAP MPs. No other public sector board in Singapore has so many “Men in White” on it.

The PA oversees all the official “grassroots organisations”, namely the Citizens’ Consultative Committees (CCC), Community Club Management Committees (CCMC), Residents’ Committees (RC), Neighbourhood Committees (NC) and the Community Development Councils (CDC). PA also runs the National Youth Council (NYC) and the People’s Association Youth Movement (PAYM), which reach out to young people.

The de facto leader of all the CCCs, CCMCs, RCs and NCs in each constituency is known as the “adviser to the grassroots organisations (GROs)”. This adviser is appointed by PA, presumably with the nod of its chairman, the Prime Minister. In PAP constituencies, PA always appoints the elected MP as the adviser. But in opposition wards, PA appoints the PAP candidate who lost in the last election, not the opposition MP.

The same anomaly is repeated in the CDCs. CDCs have a whole panel of advisers, who are by default the GRO advisers. In South West CDC, where all the component constituencies are under the PAP, it is not surprising that all the advisers are PAP MPs. But in South East CDC, there is one grinning adviser who is not an MP — Sitoh Yih Pin, the man who lost to Mr Chiam See Tong (SDA) in Potong Pasir. North East CDC also has a non-MP — Eric Low — sitting as adviser. He lost to Mr Low Thia Khiang (WP) in the last two elections, garnering just 37% of the popular vote in 2006.

Mr Low Thia Khiang and Mr Chiam See Tong are completely excluded from the CDCs.

CDCs, Community Clubs and other GROs often organise events which involve a large number of residents. Most of the time, the guest-of-honour at such events is — you guessed it — the PAP grassroots adviser.

All this effectively denies the opposition MPs access to the whole array of grassroots resources that PAP MPs have easy access to. The opposition MP has to build up his own grassroot network from scratch, while PAP MPs simply inherit the control of the RCs, CCCs and CCMCs.

Most HDB dwellers will be familiar with the notice boards next to the lifts. These are managed by the RCs, which ensure that residents always aware of who their PAP MPs are by featuring their names and photos prominently on the notice boards. But in Hougang and Potong Pasir, instead of the elected MP, residents will see the losing PAP candidate’s face on the notice board every day when they go home.

Around the neighbourhood, they will also see huge banners sponsored by PA or the CCC, featuring the losing PAP candidate wishing residents during festive occasions. The Opposition is given no such banner space in PAP wards.





To round it off, the GROs are often the recruiting ground for the PAP during elections. Many grassroots volunteers are also loyal PAP men and women, who shed their supposed neutrality to don PAP all-whites during the election campaign, serving as supporters, election agents and counting agents for the PAP candidates.

The best thing of all for the PAP is that all these grassroots resources come at zero cost to the party, since it is all paid for by taxpayers — yes including those who voted for the Opposition. Unlike in other countries where political parties — just like the Opposition here — have to fund their own grassroots activities, the PAP can save its funds to be used during the election campaign.

With all these factors stacked against the Opposition, it is indeed commendable that Mr Chiam See Tong and Mr Low Thia Khiang have managed to hold on to their seats for the past 20 years. The residents of Potong Pasir and Hougang have proven that sincerity and pure hard work on the ground will be rewarded.


http://geraldgiam.sg/2009/10/hdb-sho...ying-politics/


HDB should be neutral and stop playing politics
The HDB should stop letting itself become a political tool of the ruling PAP.



I am glad to learn that the opposition held wards of Hougang and Potong Pasir will finally be getting lift upgrading for their HDB blocks. This is a long overdue measure for the residents of the two constituencies, which have been strongholds of the opposition since 1991 and 1984 respectively.

Singaporeans will recall that on the eve of the polling day in 1997, then-Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong warned voters that opposition estates risked becoming “slums” if they continued voting out the PAP. Thus started a pattern of Third World pork barrel politics of the ruling PAP, which culminated in the 2006 election when PAP candidates Eric Low and Sitoh Yih Pin boasted that caretaker National Development Minister Mah Bow Tan had promised the two wards a total of $180 million for upgrading if residents voted for the PAP.

Fortunately, voters were too sophisticated and principled to fall for the PAP’s dirty tactics of using taxpayer money to advance their partisan political ends. Hougang and Potong Pasir voters proved that they could not be so easily swayed by money and election goodies by re-electing Mr Low Thia Khiang (Workers’ Party) and Mr Chiam See Tong (Singapore Democratic Alliance), the former with a record high winning margin.

Three-and-a-half years after those embarrassing defeats, the PAP has realised that such underhanded tactics don’t work. So now they’ve taken a different tack by promising lift upgrading to these wards just as the next election looms.

TODAY newspaper reported that the PAP’s losing candidate Sitoh had received an email from HDB informing him of this news. He lost no time in breaking the good news to residents through a news release. Mr Eric Low plans to announce the news today at a grassroots event. In addition, Mr Sitoh said he will be sending out a circular to residents in the selected blocks soon, presumably with his own letterhead proclaiming himself as the “adviser to the Potong Pasir grassroots organisations”.

I see no reason why the HDB should break the news to the losing PAP candidates. Does the HDB inform losing opposition candidates of impending upgrading in the wards they contested in, for example in East Coast or Tampines? Definitely not!

So why the double standard? Is it to give a chance to the PAP’s losing candidates to be like Santa Claus bearing good gifts for residents as if it came from them?

The PAP’s Eric Low claimed that the upgrading “is a result of our efforts over the years”. What utter rubbish! It was the Workers’ Party’s Low Thia Khiang who had asked in Parliament after the 2006 elections for the promised $100 million to be released to Hougang for upgrading. But the National Development Minister stoutly refused, saying that the funds were conditional on voters choosing the PAP.

Knowing full well that the PAP’s intention was to put opposition wards at the end of the upgrading queue, Hougang Town Council had previously gone ahead to upgrade the lifts at the blocks on Hougang Avenue 3 and 7 at the cost of some $400,000 to $500,000 of the Town Council’s own funds. A mere seven years later, HDB simply demolished those upgraded blocks, and refused to reimburse Hougang Town Council the costs for the unexpired cyclical period.

In fact, HDB’s informing of the PAP’s losing candidates of the upcoming upgrading is just the tip of the iceberg of the agency’s history of partisan political manoeuvring.

After winning the 1991 elections and assuming the chairmanship of Hougang Town Council, the WP’s Low was immediately served by the HDB with a notice to quit the premises at Blk 810 Hougang Central, which was then occupied by the PAP’s Hougang Town Council. HDB also served him with a notice of termination of its services as the managing agent for Hougang Town Council. Despite this, the new Town Council managed to overcome the obstacles put in its way, built a new premise within 6 weeks, and took over the management of Hougang estate from the HDB on 1st January 1992.

Without an office to operate from and to manage the estate, Low then took on the task of building and completing, within six weeks, the Hougang Town Council’s office. It is now located at Block 701 Hougang Avenue 2. He also successfully put together a team of councillors and staff to manage and maintain Hougang estate. Together, they took over the management of Hougang estate from the HDB on 1st January 1992.
The HDB should stop letting itself become a political tool of the ruling PAP. This is not the way a taxpayer funded statutory board should operate. Residents of non-PAP wards pay their income taxes and GST, and do their national service just like the rest of us. They should not be discriminated against.

I call on HDB chairman Koh Cher Siang, HDB CEO Tay Kim Poh, Ministry of National Development permanent secretary Tan Tee How and all the good officers working under them to exercise their rightful independence and neutrality as civil servants and resist attempts by the PAP ministers (or any future government ministers) to pressure them into executing decisions that benefit the party and not the people.
  #370  
Old 20-03-2021, 08:31 AM
kuasimi kuasimi is offline
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

  #371  
Old 20-03-2021, 09:11 AM
kuasimi kuasimi is offline
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

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Old 20-03-2021, 02:23 PM
kYdeng kYdeng is offline
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

If a supermarket can give 16 months bonus, that shows how much they overcharged us for our basic everyday necessity

Fuck those bastards!
  #373  
Old 20-03-2021, 03:00 PM
jacky43 jacky43 is offline
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jacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud ofjacky43 has much to be proud of
Angry Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

WEF 2020. Hawker ctrs r not selling value foods and drinks. Expensive housing and office rental premises. I urged foreigners to think again b4 applying PR and new citizens.

Is stupid to spend $$$ and become broke. Start over again? The people here r no longer kind 2new citizens.
  #374  
Old 22-03-2021, 03:33 PM
kYdeng kYdeng is offline
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Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

Quote:
Originally Posted by jacky43 View Post
WEF 2020. Hawker ctrs r not selling value foods and drinks. Expensive housing and office rental premises. I urged foreigners to think again b4 applying PR and new citizens.

Is stupid to spend $$$ and become broke. Start over again? The people here r no longer kind 2new citizens.
Foreigners becoming PR/citizens have no disadvantage. They can leave any time and withdraw their CPF, but we have wait until 65, or could be extended if they decide to prata and change the rules again.
  #375  
Old 22-03-2021, 10:03 PM
jacky43 jacky43 is offline
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Wink Re: The relentless rising cost of living in Singapore

The laws been changed 10 yrs ago. Singaporeans and PR wish to give up ICs. The $ is lockup till 62 yrs ago? Some where that age. B4 this cannot withdraw and fly off. Of course that person can hire lawyers to present the case in court.

Is not so simple under the third PM.
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